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  • ruRussian
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00:00:00
Hello everyone, my name is Ilya Yashin, I
00:00:02
am on Lubyanka Square in Moscow,
00:00:04
behind me is the building of the Federal
00:00:07
Security Service, here in Soviet
00:00:09
times the central apparatus of the
00:00:11
KGB was located in August 91, the USSR was living out its
00:00:15
last days and a huge rally thundered on this square,
00:00:18
people opposed the
00:00:20
Soviet regime and demanded changes in the
00:00:23
center of the square there was a monument to the founder of the
00:00:25
Soviet special services, Felix Dzerzhinsky,
00:00:28
which was perceived by many as a symbol of
00:00:31
repression; the monument was thrown off its pedestal that day
00:00:34
and has not yet returned to its
00:00:36
place; and on the Lubyanka building there was also a
00:00:39
memorial plaque installed to Yuri Andropov, the
00:00:41
long-term chairman of the KGB
00:00:43
who at the beginning in the eighties,
00:00:45
the head of the USSR, this bas-relief was
00:00:49
also dismantled during the protests, but it
00:00:51
was eventually restored, as you can
00:00:53
guess, Andropov was returned to the Lubyanka by
00:00:56
way of this happened in ninety-nine,
00:00:58
when he was still chairman of
00:01:00
the government, society then practically did
00:01:02
not notice this news, the country had enough
00:01:05
problems and not so many there were those who wanted to
00:01:07
argue about some kind of memorial
00:01:10
plaques, but for the security officers it was a
00:01:12
real holiday after the shame of 1991,
00:01:15
Putin’s decision was perceived as
00:01:17
revenge, the first step in returning the
00:01:20
power lost by the special services, and
00:01:23
Putin himself was perceived by the security officers as
00:01:26
their own man; a former KGB officer
00:01:28
headed the FSB under Yeltsin not only was he not
00:01:31
ashamed of his involvement in
00:01:33
the special services, but he was also proud of it in December
00:01:35
1999, literally a week and a half before
00:01:38
assuming the presidential position,
00:01:40
whether it was a speech to the leaders
00:01:43
and employees of the FSB, and he joked that he was
00:01:46
carrying out the task of the special services to infiltrate a
00:01:50
group of FSB employees into the Russian government, directed
00:01:53
memory for a business trip to work under the
00:01:56
guise of the government at the first stage, they
00:01:58
cope with their tasks
00:02:01
after 20 years, these words of Putin no longer
00:02:04
sound like a joke, he turned the FSB
00:02:07
into actually a key body of
00:02:09
state power, the main
00:02:11
political decisions are either made in
00:02:14
this building or are approved at the Lubyanka
00:02:17
spokes need steel The main personnel
00:02:20
reserve of the government every year there are
00:02:23
more and more security officers among deputies, members of
00:02:25
the government, governors, leaders at
00:02:27
all levels, and against this background,
00:02:30
Putin’s decision to return Andropov’s bas-relief to the Lubyanka
00:02:32
22 years ago looks very
00:02:34
symbolic. Andropov sought to subordinate the
00:02:37
KGB to all spheres of life of Soviet society. The
00:02:39
model of state government is associated with his name.
00:02:42
management where
00:02:44
almost all institutions are under the
00:02:46
control of the special services, it is precisely this kind of
00:02:48
state that is created by Putin, who
00:02:50
began his career in the KGB just under
00:02:53
Andropov, he largely copies his
00:02:55
teacher, the penetration of the special services into
00:02:57
public life has become ubiquitous, but the
00:03:00
methods of the FSB are mostly unspoken,
00:03:04
so citizens have a lot of knowledge about them an
00:03:06
approximate idea of ​​the
00:03:08
methods of this work, I want to
00:03:10
talk today and we will not talk about
00:03:12
theory, I will share my personal experience at one
00:03:15
time I ended up in the development of the FSB, they
00:03:18
tried to turn me into an informant
00:03:19
embedded in the opposition, I will tell you how the
00:03:22
recruitment took place, what they tried to
00:03:25
catch me with and most importantly how I got out
00:03:27
of this very unpleasant situation without
00:03:29
harm to myself and my comrades,
00:03:32
I understand that now
00:03:35
literally anyone who has
00:03:37
somehow attracted the attention of the FSB could be in my place,
00:03:39
so it
00:03:41
seems especially important to share this experience, like and
00:03:44
watch the video until
00:03:46
you won’t hear such stories in real life very often
00:03:48
we begin
00:03:51
[music]
00:04:03
you will find out that our first place of work was the
00:04:06
KGB of the USSR and we were brought up there in a
00:04:10
certain certain way
00:04:21
why I even started talking about Andropov’s bas-relief the
00:04:24
thing is that
00:04:26
our story begins with this memorial plaque
00:04:28
at the beginning of the 2000s, I
00:04:30
headed the youth cell of the
00:04:31
Apple party, it was a small organization
00:04:33
whose core consisted of three dozen
00:04:36
students. I was then twenty-one years old.
00:04:38
We were all young guys and we didn’t
00:04:41
like what Putin was doing and especially did
00:04:44
n’t like that the
00:04:47
dictatorship of the secret services was clearly being imposed on the country. citizens did
00:04:49
n’t seem to notice this, we discussed
00:04:52
among ourselves that people seemed to have gone blind, that the
00:04:54
FSB could become a punitive
00:04:56
service that persecutes the dissatisfied, and
00:04:59
the symbol of this would be
00:05:02
Andropov’s relief, the return of which
00:05:04
sincerely outraged us because Putin was
00:05:06
thus demonstrating that he was building a
00:05:09
state where the special services control
00:05:12
society and we decided to hold a
00:05:14
protest in order to somehow shake off society
00:05:16
and attract its attention. In July 2004,
00:05:20
I led a group of students to the FSB building,
00:05:22
we were wearing black T-shirts with a
00:05:25
crossed out portrait of Putin at the walls of the
00:05:27
FSB, we unfurled a large poster with the slogan
00:05:30
Down with the police of autocracy,
00:05:32
we scattered leaflets in A bas-relief of Andropov
00:05:35
flew a ball with red paint, which
00:05:38
symbolized the blood of victims of repression
00:05:41
organized by the KGB, soon
00:05:43
guards began to run out of the doors and we rushed
00:05:46
into the scattering, several people managed to
00:05:48
escape, but most of the activists,
00:05:50
including me, were detained and taken to the
00:05:53
FSB reception on the Kuznetsky bridge, where
00:05:56
interrogations began, I’ll tell you everything at once it was
00:05:58
quite peaceful, we weren’t tortured in the basements, we were
00:06:01
n’t beaten or even particularly threatened,
00:06:03
the officers looked at us with interest, they
00:06:06
tried to understand the motive for the action,
00:06:08
they established identities, they even joked, and in
00:06:11
general there was a quite calm atmosphere, but at
00:06:13
some point we noticed that one of
00:06:15
our comrades, Alexey, had skin where are you he
00:06:18
disappeared, he asked permission to go to the
00:06:21
toilet, but he didn’t return back to the hall where he was
00:06:23
interrogated, no one
00:06:25
explained the matter, our questions were simply
00:06:27
ignored, we were released late in
00:06:29
the evening, having issued a fine at home, but
00:06:32
Alexey showed up only late at night,
00:06:34
we met and he said that in in the
00:06:37
corridor they detained him and took him to a
00:06:39
separate office where they sat the guy on a
00:06:41
chair and interrogated him very harshly for several hours; they
00:06:44
threatened that he would be expelled from the
00:06:46
institute; they promised to send him to the army; they would cause
00:06:49
problems at work with
00:06:50
relatives; they shouted; they used force; they
00:06:53
beat him in the
00:06:57
neck with their palms; in the end, they
00:06:59
got so carried away that the maids were taken away in an
00:07:01
ambulance, beaten and threatened,
00:07:04
they tried to recruit Alexei to
00:07:06
report to the FSB on the activities of our
00:07:08
youth organization, he turned out to be a
00:07:11
strong guy and the very next day
00:07:13
he told the journalists about everything, a large
00:07:15
article was published in the Moscow Komsomolets, and
00:07:18
in several other newspapers, but the most
00:07:21
important thing is that Alexey remembered the name of the
00:07:22
employee who beat him, there was a
00:07:25
certificate of honor from his photograph hanging on the wall in his office,
00:07:28
which was signed by
00:07:30
FSB senior lieutenant Dmitry Streltsov,
00:07:33
a name that
00:07:36
almost every opposition
00:07:38
activist in Moscow would soon know. A year passed in May 2005.
00:07:42
picket
00:07:44
activists demanded the release of people
00:07:46
whom Lukashenko had arrested the day before for
00:07:49
participating in opposition activities, that
00:07:51
is, an action of solidarity, it must be said
00:07:54
that back then there were relatively
00:07:56
calm times in Russia, now even a
00:07:58
single picket attracts a whole crowd of
00:08:01
riot police and several paddy wagons, and
00:08:04
then the police looked at such
00:08:06
peaceful the protests are a secret,
00:08:08
students with placards are standing there, they don’t disturb anyone
00:08:10
without a special order from above, you
00:08:13
don’t have to detain them, but for some reason
00:08:15
they decided to disperse the picket quite harshly, they
00:08:17
tied up the activists and took them to the
00:08:19
police, and then the courts began to formalize
00:08:21
his administrative arrest for 10-15
00:08:24
days, this shocked everyone and now
00:08:27
few people are surprised by such arrests because
00:08:29
society is already used to it, but then it simply did
00:08:31
n’t fit in my head how it was possible to
00:08:33
send a person to jail simply for
00:08:36
standing on the street with a poster.
00:08:37
Among those who were detained at the
00:08:39
Belarusian embassy was my
00:08:41
close friend
00:08:42
Irina Vorobyova, many of you and
00:08:45
probably know now she has become a
00:08:47
famous journalist, she hosts several
00:08:49
programs, this Echo of Moscow does great
00:08:51
interviews for new newspapers, but in 2005,
00:08:54
Vorobyova was a prominent opposition
00:08:57
activist in 1000 was called the face of
00:08:59
youth protest and I will take it, of course, I was
00:09:01
very worried, it was scary to
00:09:03
imagine that she would turn out to be behind bars,
00:09:05
even for 10 days, but unlike the
00:09:08
guys who were immediately arrested,
00:09:10
Vorobyova was sent home to spend the night,
00:09:12
scheduling a court hearing for her the
00:09:15
next morning, and here
00:09:17
FSB senior lieutenant
00:09:20
Dmitry Streltsov appears in our story again early in the morning on the eve of the
00:09:24
trial, we met with him in McDonald's
00:09:26
on Pushkinskaya and he described to me in vivid colors
00:09:29
how difficult it would be behind bars for my
00:09:31
friend, that she would probably end up there in the
00:09:33
company of a criminal, these ten days
00:09:35
would seem like real hell to her. I was 22
00:09:39
years old. The words of the FSB officers made a
00:09:41
strong impression on me and I was
00:09:43
really scared in general for people
00:09:45
who I have never encountered anything like this,
00:09:46
I want to separately explain
00:09:48
the most effective method of intimidation
00:09:51
when they threaten someone other than you about your loved ones,
00:09:54
this is a method of psychological manipulation; they
00:09:57
shift responsibility for the
00:09:59
suffering of another person onto you; they create an
00:10:01
artificial sense of guilt in your head,
00:10:03
so I listened to all these threats with a
00:10:06
pale look, officer The FSB sipped coffee
00:10:09
and explained that he considers me a good
00:10:12
guy who, simply due to inexperience,
00:10:14
got confused in politics and he is ready to
00:10:17
help me, I need to take a step
00:10:19
towards,
00:10:20
as he said, help me help you and
00:10:23
your girlfriend, in fact, all he
00:10:26
demanded from me was to agree to regular
00:10:28
meetings,
00:10:29
I thought We will periodically drink coffee
00:10:30
discuss various political topics
00:10:32
exchange opinions if I agree
00:10:35
that my friend will avoid punishment for a
00:10:38
day come no need for the FSB to make sure
00:10:41
that her file is simply lost in the archive I
00:10:43
had a real storm inside me you
00:10:46
refuse to do they will put my friend in jail
00:10:49
agree like there is nothing criminal
00:10:51
from me they ask, we’ll sometimes
00:10:53
talk, it’s okay, after all,
00:10:56
the freedom of a loved one, to whom, in
00:10:58
general, I agreed, Streltsov was very
00:11:00
happy and did everything as promised,
00:11:03
Vorobyov’s case and got lost, she did
00:11:05
n’t receive any more summonses and they simply
00:11:07
forgot about him, but they didn’t forget about me a
00:11:11
month later, Streltsov appointed me the first
00:11:13
meeting, which took place not far from the
00:11:15
FSB building, in this house on the corner,
00:11:17
whitewashed and hodgepodge is now a coffee shop, and 16
00:11:21
years ago there was an Italian restaurant
00:11:23
here we were supposed to meet.
00:11:25
I arrived at the appointed time and was
00:11:28
immediately invited to a reserved
00:11:29
table by the window, but the most the archer
00:11:32
had to wait about 20 minutes mind me, then I
00:11:34
thought that probably all the security officers
00:11:36
imitate Putin and do not arrive on time,
00:11:38
but soon he sent a text message asking
00:11:41
to look around and check if there were
00:11:43
any of my friends in the hall. After this
00:11:45
ritual, the starley finally appeared in the
00:11:47
restaurant and wearing a T-shirt national team of
00:11:49
Spain and wearing black glasses sat down opposite
00:11:52
me, you know, there is such a psychological
00:11:55
technique during interrogation between an evil and a kind
00:11:57
investigator, this is when two people
00:11:59
interrogate a person, one is rude, threatens,
00:12:02
intimidates, and the second behaves softly and
00:12:05
against the background of an aggressive colleague,
00:12:07
wins over the person and
00:12:09
ultimately gets him what he needs testimony,
00:12:11
Streltsov played both of these roles in one
00:12:14
person at our first meeting, he put pressure on
00:12:16
me psychologically, threatened me this time he
00:12:19
came in the role of a good-natured fan of the
00:12:21
Spanish national team, communicated with me that it was
00:12:24
as if we were old friends, the whole meeting
00:12:26
essentially came down to his long monologue,
00:12:29
so peculiar the lecture on and the collection
00:12:31
told that Russia was faced with the
00:12:33
threat of loss of sovereignty, that
00:12:36
this threat came from Western intelligence services and
00:12:38
domestic oligarchs, and in order to protect
00:12:41
the country, according to Streltsov, a
00:12:44
coalition of honest security officers like him,
00:12:46
patriotic citizens
00:12:49
like me,
00:12:50
such a coalition would ensure Russia's
00:12:52
freedom and independence with the Highest, he
00:12:54
emphasized in every possible way that we have much
00:12:56
more in common than it might seem at
00:12:59
first glance, we are both patriots, we both wish
00:13:02
the country good and prosperity, we just
00:13:04
act with different methods, but we need to
00:13:06
unite, taught, finally he got down to
00:13:08
specifics, said that the FSB has
00:13:11
information, as if he offered me
00:13:13
cooperation Leonid Nevzlin is a former
00:13:15
co-owner of the Yukos company, his partner, and
00:13:18
Mikhail Khodorkovsky, was arrested a couple of years
00:13:20
before, and Nevzlin managed to leave
00:13:22
Russia, he wanted to somehow help the
00:13:24
opposition and Streltsov was right, wasn’t he
00:13:27
really asking through intermediaries
00:13:29
whether our youth
00:13:31
organization needed anything from him? help
00:13:32
from the FSB, he said that he knew about
00:13:35
these contacts and that I refused Nevzlin’s money, he
00:13:37
said that state security
00:13:40
positively assessed my refusal to
00:13:42
cooperate with the fugitive oligarch, as he
00:13:44
called him, and this strengthened Streltsov in
00:13:47
the idea that we could find a common language.
00:13:48
At the end of the conversation, Streltsov tried
00:13:51
to give me assignments, he wanted me to collect
00:13:54
information about employees slowly in
00:13:56
Russia, as well as about people who worked
00:13:58
in the Moscow office of the Republican
00:14:00
Institute of the United States, according to him, the FSB is trying to
00:14:03
identify CIA agents among these people and
00:14:06
my help will be very useful, but
00:14:09
my answer disappointed the lieutenant, of course I was
00:14:11
very nervous and he spoke like a prostitute, but
00:14:13
still explained that I won’t
00:14:16
carry out any tasks for the FSB, I won’t be an informant, I do
00:14:18
n’t want to snitch on anyone,
00:14:21
and in general I see the role of civil
00:14:22
society not to play these
00:14:24
spy games, but to
00:14:26
control the Streltsy secret services obviously
00:14:28
I was upset but said that he was ready to give me
00:14:31
more time and our meetings would be
00:14:33
regular and as a friendly
00:14:35
gesture he decided to give me a gift,
00:14:37
he put two tickets on the table, the Bolshoi Theater
00:14:40
said that this would be an excellent speak to or my
00:14:42
friend and I would probably like it, I
00:14:44
refused the gift and responded rather rudely
00:14:47
that, in fact, we are not friends and at
00:14:49
the meeting I agreed only because
00:14:51
I wanted to protect my friend from a prison
00:14:53
cell, but after this meeting, to be honest,
00:14:55
I truly understood that
00:14:56
Streltsy had gotten himself into trouble; he
00:15:01
just wo
00:15:03
n’t get off me like that, he really continued
00:15:05
to call me periodically, sent me
00:15:07
messages with various questions, insisted
00:15:10
on meetings, I avoided communication in every possible way,
00:15:12
however, the pressure grew, he began
00:15:16
to threaten that drugs would be found on me,
00:15:18
that my friend’s file might be found in the
00:15:20
archives and in the end she would get hers For 15
00:15:23
days I didn’t understand how to get out of this situation
00:15:26
and I needed help, but
00:15:28
who should I go to, who can help here? At that
00:15:31
time I had two people whom I
00:15:33
trusted in political matters:
00:15:35
Grigory Yavlinsky, the leader of the
00:15:37
Apple party, where I was a member, we had
00:15:39
kind people back then he liked the relationship, how I
00:15:42
led the UN youth organization
00:15:44
was an undoubted authority for me, and
00:15:46
Dmitry Muratov was the editor-in-chief of the new
00:15:48
newspapers where I had been publishing my articles for a year already;
00:15:51
I perceived him as a senior
00:15:53
comrade; I often consulted and, by the way, I
00:15:56
still maintained a good relationship with him
00:15:58
regarding these I went to people for advice,
00:16:01
told the whole situation in detail and
00:16:03
asked for advice on what to do so that they would leave me
00:16:06
behind, Yavlinsky advised sending an
00:16:08
official letter to the FSB with a refusal to
00:16:10
cooperate, that is,
00:16:12
to document this fact, he explained
00:16:14
that the FSB is a bureaucratic structure and
00:16:17
such a formal refusal will protect against
00:16:19
pressure,
00:16:20
I did just that, I sent it by registered
00:16:23
mail to the Lubyanka and I still have copies of this
00:16:25
document. I still have the
00:16:27
Federal Security Service to
00:16:29
Senior Lieutenant of the FSB Dmitry
00:16:32
Streltsov. I bring to your attention that I do
00:16:35
not find it possible for myself
00:16:37
to cooperate with the FSB authorities, both
00:16:40
publicly and on a secret basis.
00:16:42
not to cooperate with the intelligence services,
00:16:45
this is my civil right, enshrined in
00:16:48
the constitution, I
00:16:49
reserve the right to make
00:16:51
public
00:16:52
any contact with FSB officers in
00:16:55
the event of an attempt to put pressure on me
00:16:57
or force me to cooperate, I also
00:17:00
reserve the right to make
00:17:02
this statement public
00:17:03
Ilya Yashin, well, Muratov gave the most important
00:17:06
advice for which I will be grateful to him
00:17:08
all my life, he said that I need to describe
00:17:11
this story publicly, name all the names and
00:17:14
make an attempt to recruit me into the
00:17:16
public domain. Muratov, after
00:17:18
listening to me, immediately called his
00:17:20
deputy and gave instructions to allocate an entire
00:17:22
page in the next issue and on July 13,
00:17:26
2006 in a new newspaper my big article came out
00:17:28
entitled the security officer recruited
00:17:31
me PSM from Muratov turned out to be right
00:17:34
publicity became the best protection against the
00:17:36
intrusive pressure of the special services after the
00:17:39
publication Streltsy sent me an angry
00:17:41
message and promised that I greatly
00:17:43
regretted my action but his forecast did
00:17:46
not come true, on the contrary they believe that it was
00:17:48
one of the most reasonable decisions in my
00:17:51
life, it seems that it was Streltsov who
00:17:53
ended up being the injured party;
00:17:55
journalists, new newspapers from their
00:17:57
sources found out that he got a lot of
00:17:59
punishment from his superiors for such a
00:18:01
clumsy job; recruitment that ends with the
00:18:03
autopsy of a
00:18:05
special services officer and publications in
00:18:08
the press is generally considered an example of
00:18:10
unprofessionalism; Streltsov’s mistakes in
00:18:12
that the new newspaper was sorted out by veteran
00:18:14
of the special services Valery Brumel, a former
00:18:16
employee of the 5th Directorate of the KGB, I want to give
00:18:20
excerpts from this analysis, the senior
00:18:22
streltsov made a grave operational
00:18:25
mistake, the specifics of the actions and the recognizable
00:18:28
style of the personnel officer are described
00:18:30
exhaustively, you can’t imagine this, this will
00:18:33
be confirmed by anyone with operational
00:18:36
experience, apparently the employee’s task
00:18:39
was to involve Yashin into cooperation if you
00:18:42
then record the exchange of information with the
00:18:44
operatives on video, the recording
00:18:46
itself will discredit him as a
00:18:49
political figure from a professional
00:18:51
point of view, the officer’s work does not
00:18:54
stand up to criticism,
00:18:55
the operative did not insert the issues of interest to him
00:18:58
into a neutral row as it should be,
00:19:01
he immediately
00:19:03
laid out his own operational
00:19:06
task this is a gross mistake another mistake a
00:19:09
decisive transition from the whip in the form of
00:19:12
threats to the beloved to the gingerbread wrapped in
00:19:14
theater tickets, apparently
00:19:17
Streltsov’s teacher is about sixty years old or the
00:19:20
textbook is about forty years old to intimidate and
00:19:23
sweeten the general tactics but the means for
00:19:26
your threat is an appeal to society and
00:19:29
tickets he buys via the Internet, you can’t
00:19:32
surprise a young contemporary with tickets to the
00:19:35
big theater, because the shortage died with the
00:19:38
USSR, also in Streltsov’s work, a
00:19:41
preliminary study of the
00:19:43
target of recruitment is not visible, isn’t it clear that this is an
00:19:46
intelligent guy with a deep
00:19:48
motivation for life, that you can’t talk to him like that,
00:19:51
summary of extremely inept work
00:19:54
young officer because of which he ended up
00:19:57
on the pages of the press, in fact, after this
00:20:00
story, I only saw Streltsov a couple of times
00:20:01
at opposition rallies in
00:20:04
2010, he spotted me in the crowd and
00:20:07
pointedly pointed his finger at me to the
00:20:09
riot police, who pushed people
00:20:12
around and dragged me into a paddy wagon, but
00:20:14
curious that for 15 years after this
00:20:17
story, representatives of the FSB never
00:20:19
tried to get in touch with me,
00:20:21
no more conversations of threats and
00:20:23
blackmail, it is obvious that in the eyes of the special services
00:20:26
I developed a reputation as a person
00:20:28
unsuitable for recruitment and capable of
00:20:31
exposing FSB employees in the press, and to be
00:20:33
honest, I have such a reputation
00:20:35
I’m very happy, I’m really glad that in my
00:20:38
youth there were people next to me
00:20:40
who explained how to behave correctly
00:20:42
in such a situation and how to correct
00:20:44
my own mistake so as not to become a pawn
00:20:47
in the hands of the special services, however, I understand perfectly well
00:20:49
that I am far from the only
00:20:51
opposition activists who have faced
00:20:53
such pressure obviously that the FSB is conducting
00:20:56
large-scale covert work, actively
00:20:59
recruiting informants, and not only in
00:21:01
political organizations, interesting
00:21:04
intelligence services are represented by business and the press
00:21:06
and trade unions and the education sector, there
00:21:09
are informers everywhere and not everyone has enough
00:21:12
experience and knowledge to protect themselves and this is
00:21:15
normal, I myself was scared and confused At the
00:21:17
age of 21, I decided to tell this story
00:21:20
precisely in order to share my experience
00:21:22
so that everyone understands even if you are
00:21:25
intimidated or blackmailed. It is
00:21:27
very important to maintain composure and
00:21:31
publicly defend your interests.
00:21:33
Publicity is something that
00:21:35
intelligence services all over the world are afraid of as soon as you
00:21:38
point at them. the rays of public
00:21:40
attention they crawl away, but the most important thing,
00:21:43
friends, remember the basic principle of life in
00:21:45
Russia, don’t believe, don’t be afraid, don’t ask, thank you
00:21:49
for watching this video to the end, like
00:21:51
it so that YouTube
00:21:53
recommends it to other users more often,
00:21:55
share the video on social networks,
00:21:57
subscribe to my channel, help in
00:21:59
its development by becoming sponsors until we
00:22:02
meet again

Description:

ФСБ при Путине стала едва ли не основным органом власти. Все ключевые решения принимаются на Лубянке, депутатами и губернаторами все чаще становятся чекисты, и практически во все сферы общественной жизни внедрены осведомители спецслужб. Несколько лет назад меня вербовал офицер ФСБ, шантажируя и угрожая близким. Тогда мне удалось выйти из-под давления, и сегодня я хочу поделиться своим опытом с вами. Обязательно досмотрите видео до конца, потому что это может коснуться каждого. Делитесь роликом в соцсетях и ставьте 👍 лайк, чтобы YouTube чаще рекомендовал его другим пользователям. Подписывайтесь на канал! Чтобы поддержать работу этого канала, становитесь его спонсором: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCoHH5raTevyI35tfb1YF6qA/join Подписывайтесь на соцсети Ильи Яшина: Инстаграм https://www.facebook.com/unsupportedbrowser Твиттер https://twitter.com/IlyaYashin Фейсбук https://www.facebook.com/unsupportedbrowser Вконтакте https://vk.com/ilya_yashin При монтаже видео использованы фрагменты роликов, размещенных в открытом доступе по следующим ссылкам: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=L-DUtk2yz6M https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uic_7Ya5Y58 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Du_VsbRv7jE https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EOmrmN6tbIc https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6xkLdzrniYo https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SZD1XcCS3NA https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5PJK5tqhO30

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